Essay on factory workers


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  2. Factory Workers In The Industrial Revolution
  3. Life As a Factory Worker During the Industrial Revolution Essay example
  4. Industrial Revolution : A Working Class Citizen

Similarly, debt bondage in the recruitment process makes migrant workers vulnerable to human trafficking. Under debt bondage, migrants repay recruitment fees in countries of origin through labor, often over an extended period of time and without a clear end date. Indian and Sri Lankan workers suffer disproportionately from extortionate recruitment fees in their countries of origin.

In some cases, migrant workers sell property, hand over their life savings, or take out loans with the hope of recouping their losses after earning their first few paychecks overseas. Although Jordan has enacted policies to prevent the undue collection of recruitment fees, migrants often arrive with significant debt, a circumstance that may be compounded in Jordan if garment factories fail to issue timely payments or provide adequate compensation.

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Many migrant workers are locked into situations of bonded labor and remain indebted to recruitment sub-agents in origin countries. To preclude this occurrence, workers in Jordan are required to sign a document, as are recruiters, saying they did not collect or pay fees to obtain a garment factory job.

For Jordan, enforcing such laws is a major challenge due to the globalized nature of the recruitment process. Consequently, Jordan is likely to remain a preferred destination for migrants from around the world and a continued source of millions of dollars of remittances in the global economy. Follow her on Twitter SabrinaToppa. Follow the conversation— Sign up to receive email updates when comments are posted to this article.

Factory Workers In The Industrial Revolution

An excellent if distressing article. I'm curious however why Syrian refugees don't come into the picture? We've often heard complaints that Syrians are displacing or undercutting Jordanian labor because they accept lower wages, but here is an example of jobs that Jordanians don't apply to, and where the undercutting is done by underpaid Asian workers.

Jordan has made it possible for Syrians to work legally, so why are they apparently not being recruited in this sector? Is it because they are more able to resist the kind of abuses described in the article, to which non-Arab workers are subjected? Jordan also has many unemployed Palestinians!

It strikes me that the factory owners most likely very strongly prefer to use the imported migrant workers to using Syrian or West Bank or east Bank Jordanians, for precisely the reason you suggest: The migrant workers are much easier to control, can speedily be threatened with the threat of deportation, have very few connections with local civil society, or other social protections against workplace abuse.

This is a modern-day version of the US plantation-owners preferring to import enslaved Africans to work on their plantations rather than providing employment to the Native Americans. The Native Americans would never have accepted the work conditions on the plantations--and they had other options in the surrounding countryside even if it was only a retreat ever further west This whole system of importing what is in effect indentured labor-- which the Israelis also do, big time-- rather than providing employment to local people who desperately need incomes-- is an outrage.

Let us consider, too, that the original promise of these QIZ's was that they would help provide employment for Palestinians and Jordanians in Jordan and thus strengthen the economic underpinnings of the Jordanian-Israeli peace. Thanks for this question. According to the Jordan Compact, "With the right investment and access to EU markets, the designated development zones could provide hundreds of thousands of jobs for Jordanians and Syrian refugees over the coming years.

Outside the zones, the sectors where there is low Jordanian participation and a high ratio of foreign workers e. Cumulatively these measures could in the coming years provide about , job opportunities for Syrian refugees while they remain in the country, contributing to the Jordanian economy without competing with Jordanians for jobs.

Jordan has a high incentive to increase Syrian refugees' access to legal employment. Nonetheless, these are very early-stage plans and it remains to be seen how this unfolds. Without a doubt, however, Syrians are legally allowed to work in garment factories in Jordan, and I personally interviewed Pakistani hiring managers who were in the process of training Syrian refugees to work in their factories in Jordan.

Hi sir My name is jakir Hossain From Bangladesh I'm a sample maker T, shirt Jacket pant shirt I can make all kind of sample Sample maker Work experience 7 years Looking for a job in your company Please sir give me a job in your company. You are leaving the website for the Carnegie-Tsinghua Center for Global Policy and entering a website for another of Carnegie's global centers. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Sign up for Carnegie Email.

Experts Publications Events. Experts Publications. Experten Publikationen. Latest Analysis Publications Popular Projects. Programs Projects. Regions and Countries Issues. Algeria Ahead of Elections. Egypt in Search of Balance. Sada Feature. Syria in Crisis. Tunisia in Transition. Militias and the Future of the Iraqi State. Multimedia Series. The chilling effect on LNGOs and worker activism also is reflected in Chinese labor scholarship, as evidenced in a series of recent events.

His work was an important resource for researchers, reporters, and NGOs writing about Chinese labor. The government has closed two well-known academic centers that focused on labor research, at Sun Yat Sen University in Guangzhou and at Beijing Normal University. The former center had expanded considerably and was slated to become an independent labor school when it was shut down. The Ministry of Education has frozen the expansion of labor relations programs in Chinese universities at a time when most academic programs are growing.

Senior faculty in some sociology departments in China have told their junior colleagues not to do research on labor issues. Evidence of the narrowing of the political space for labor scholarship also can be seen in heightened self-censorship. I might argue further that here may be a general constriction in the space for all kinds of academic research that might threaten the regime, not solely in the labor arena.

This threat can be seen in the recent case of Cambridge University Press CUP , in which the Chinese government asked the Press to censor articles from the respected journal China Quarterly. CUP initially agreed, but retracted after an international protest by scholars worldwide. Increasingly, young China-based scholars feel there is little dividend in pursuing research in labor activism and labor relations.

Life As a Factory Worker During the Industrial Revolution Essay example

In October , I participated in a research conference held in the United States of young China-based labor scholars from various disciplines. They seemed to be in an existential crisis, all wondering how they could continue to do labor-related research and make academic careers out of studying labor in China when publishing articles on labor issues could be dangerous. A key concern was what to study, as studying activism and strikes does not seem possible any longer.

The chilling effect appears to have extended to even labor scholars who study China labor issues from outside of China whether the scholars are Chinese or not. At my university, a doctoral student admitted that she has shifted her plan of study from Chinese labor to economic sociology as she sees a diminishing possibility of doing research on labor in China.

Industrial Revolution : A Working Class Citizen

The chill in NGO activity and the decline in labor scholarship does not necessarily mean that the underlying issues identified in earlier rounds of research have been resolved or that workers have become more quiescent. Strikes have resumed their upward trend in the first quarter of , and signs of increased sophistication in worker actions are evident in the recent coordinated wage campaign by crane operators in a number of cities and provinces on May 1, Empirical research to confirm this continuity, however, is likely to be increasingly difficult.

I thank Eli Friedman and Manfred Elfstrom for helpful comments on an earlier version of this article. The theme focused on labor relations in the internet economy. Some reports assert that strikes have taken place in 27 cities in up to 18 provinces. The workers organized online through closed groups on instant messaging apps such as QQ to discuss strategies and make announcements. Skip to main content. ILR Review. Article Menu. Download PDF. Open EPUB. Cite Citation Tools. How to cite this article If you have the appropriate software installed, you can download article citation data to the citation manager of your choice.

Download Citation If you have the appropriate software installed, you can download article citation data to the citation manager of your choice. Share Share. Recommend to a friend. Sharing links are not available for this article. I have read and accept the terms and conditions. Copy to clipboard. Request Permissions View permissions information for this article. See all articles by this author Search Google Scholar for this author. Article information. Article Information Volume: 71 issue: 5, page s : Article first published online: September 12, ; Issue published: October 1, Keywords labor activism , collective bargaining , labor NGOs , China , state policy.

Labor Contention, to Table 1. Strikes in China: to View larger version. Collective Bargaining, to The Role of NGOs, to View Abstract.

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Article available in:. Vol 71, Issue 5, Special Collection. Fighting Capital Mobility in China. New Labor Forum.

Photo Essay: Migrant Workers in Jordan's Garment Industry

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